NOUVELLES
BREVES ET REVUE DE PRESSE
2/12
Un mois de salaire (sur neuf) pour calmer la colère des djiboutiens
?
Il
semble que le paiement d'un mois de salaire sur les neuf en retard ait
eu raison de la colère populaire et que les manifestations se
soient apaisées. Nous sommes en période de Ramadan et
l'opposition aurait calmé le jeu, en demandant d'attendre la
fin du mois Saint.
Un
mois sur neuf, ce n'est pas grand chose, mais c'est un premier succés
pour le peuple djiboutien qui aura compris ces derniers jours, qu'il
devait relever la tête et cesser de subir en silence, que son
destin était entre ses mains.
Les manifestations ont fait trembler le régime et son dictateur-président.
Et surtout, tous les observateurs notent que, pour la première
fois, la Police n'est pas intervenue pour réprimer
ces manifestations.
Quelque chose a changé à Djibouti durant cette semaine.
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PINOCHET
assigné résidence chez lui
par la justice chilienne.
Pinochet, l'ancien dictateur chilien, responsable (entre autres crimes)
de la disparition et de la mort de nombreux opposants, sera finalement
jugé chez lui par la justice de son pays. Il avait été
arrêté en Angleterre, à la demande d'un juge espagnol
et il avait passé 500 jours en résidence surveillée
en Angleterre. Ensuite, il avait été libéré
par le Gouvernement britannique pour 'raisons médicales'.
De
retour dans son pays, il avait montré que sa santé n'était
pas aussi dégradée, qu'il l'avait laissé supposer,
ce qui avait irrité tous les observateurs.
Mais
coup de théâtre aujourd'hui, c'est finalement la justice
de son pays, qui va le juger.
Ce
nouvel épisode est extrêment important, car il montre que
les dictateurs ne sont plus à l'abri de la justice, y compris
celle de leur propre pays.
Djibouti
jugera-t-il un jour, M Guelleh et Aptidon et leurs principaux exécuteurs
des basses oeuvres : responsables de la torture, responsables des forces
de police spéciales, etc. ?
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A
lire cette semaine dans LOI
DJIBOUTI
: LE FRUD CONFIANT MAIS IMPATIENT
LA LETTRE DE L'OCEAN INDIEN n°928 du 02/12/2000
Lors de ses assises générales à Garbanaba (Nord
de Djibouti) du 18 au 21 novembre, le Front pour la Restauration de
l'Unité et de la Démocratie (Frud, ex-rebellion Afar)
a réaffirmé sa confiance en son président Ahmed
Dini ainsi que dans le processus de négociations avec le gouvernement
djiboutien que celui-ci conduit depuis la signature de l'accord de paix
du 7 février 2000. (. . . ) [Total = 2001 caractères]
L'article signale que le point de blocage des négociations
serait un rééquilibre des pouvoirs et que le Gouvernement
de Guelleh doit proposer un texte alternatif à celui remis par
le FRUD. LOI se montre pessimiste sur la réussite du processus
et estime de son côté que Guelleh a intérêt
à gagner du temps pour éroder les prétentions de
ces interlocuteurs.
SOMALIE : UN COME BACK DIPLOMATIQUE
LA LETTRE DE L'OCEAN INDIEN n°928 du 02/12/2000
Après avoir été reçu aux Nations unies,
il y a quelques semaines puis au sommet de l'InterGovernmental Authority
on Development (IGAD) à Khartoum la semaine passée, le
président somalien par intérim, Abdi Qassem Salad Hassan,
espère bien faire son "come back" diplomatique dans
tous les pays d'Afrique de l'Est. (. . . ) [Total = 2041 caractères]
DJIBOUTI/SOUDAN : LUNE DE MIEL
LA LETTRE DE L'OCEAN INDIEN n°928 du 02/12/2000
Après avoir participé au 8ème sommet de
l'Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) à Khartoum
la semaine passée, le président djiboutien Ismaël
Omar Guelleh a prolongé son séjour dans la capitale soudanaise
par une visite officielle, les 24 et 25 novembre, qui lui a permis d'inaugurer
les travaux de la première réunion de la commission mixte
de coopération entre les deux pays. (. . . ) [Total = 1991 caractères]
DJIBOUTI : DU NOUVEAU DANS LES ASSURANCES
LA LETTRE DE L'OCEAN INDIEN n°928 du 02/12/2000
Les autorités djiboutiennes ayant imposé de nouvelles
normes aux activités des compagnies d'assurance, à compter
de janvier 2001, le paysage est en train de changer dans ce secteur
à Djibouti (LOI n°901). (. . . ) [Total = 1488 caractères]
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A
Section
Chad's Torture Victims Pursue Habre in Court;
Pinochet Case Leaves
Ex-Dictator Vulnerable
Douglas Farah
11/27/2000
Copyright 2000, The Washington Post Co. All Rights Reserved
N'DJAMENA, Chad
-- For eight years, Suleymane Guengueng and a handful of other former
political prisoners in this impoverished country carefully gathered
and hid evidence of mass murder and torture ordered by a U. S. -backed
dictator, waiting for the day they could face their tormentors in court.
They may finally
get their opportunity. In court cases unprecedented in Africa, chadians
are pursuing the brutal former dictator, Hissene Habre, and his collaborators,
many of whom still hold powerful positions. Human rights activists say
the legal action was inspired by the campaign to prosecute former Chilean
dictator
Augusto Pinochet.
"These cases sound an alarm for dictators across the continent, "
said Reed Brody, advocacy director for New York-based Human Rights Watch,
which has supported the suits. "They know their impunity can be
questioned. First Pinochet, then Habre, and they know maybe they could
be next. It shows accountability is actually possible. "
U. S.
officials have said that Washington provided hundreds of millions of
dollars to Habre and helped train his intelligence service, whose members
are now accused of torture.
In February,
Guengueng and four others got a court in Senegal--where Habre has lived
in luxurious exile since 1990--to indict him for torture. Habre's lawyers
acknowledged that rights violations took place under his rule but said
Habre did not order them and the statute of limitations had expired.
In another precedent,
more than 50 Chadians have filed cases here in the past month against
their alleged torturers, including some of Habre's closest collaborators.
Almost as surprising as the filing is that the cases have not been thrown
out, human rights workers and diplomats said.
Guengueng, a
48-year-old former civil servant, wears thick glasses because the beatings
he received in prison in the 1980s damaged his eyesight. He sat with
other former prisoners in a tiny office off a dusty road here that houses
the Chadian Association of Victims of Political Repression and Crime
and spoke in a near whisper
about his 28 months in clandestine prisons around the capital.
Scores of prisoners
died of asphyxiation and heat exhaustion, and guards often left the
bodies in the crowded cells for two or three days to decompose quickly
in the heat. The most notorious prison, according to Guengueng and other
victims, was La Piscine, a one-time swimming pool covered with a concrete
roof, near the U. S. aid
mission.
Habre's security
guards routinely tied up prisoners and forced their mouths over exhaust
pipes of cars whose engines were running. Or, Guengueng and the others
recalled, they beat prisoners or administered electric shocks. Guards
would pour water over the men once a day, forcing them to lick it off
their bodies or the floor to
keep from dying of thirst.
A decade or
more later, the hardest thing for the former prisoners is seeing their
torturers as members of the government security forces. "They still
mock us, " Guengueng said. "If you give a torturer work, you
are still violating human rights. "
With help from
the United States and France, Habre ruled this mostly desert nation
of 7 million from 1982, when he won a bloody battle with rival warlords,
until 1990, when he was overthrown by his erstwhile ally, Idriss Deby,
the current president. During those years, Chadian and international
human rights investigators say, the
Directorate of Documentation and Security (DDS), which was controlled
directly by Habre, killed at least 40, 000 civilians and imprisoned and
tortured hundreds of thousands ofothers.
In a land that
has known little government and much war since its titular independence
from France in 1960, Habre rose to power because the United States and
France sought his help in opposing his northern neighbor, Libyan leader
Moammar Gaddafi. Because Habre was willing to fight Libya, which the
Reagan administration regarded as a dangerous Soviet puppet and a sponsor
of international terrorism, the United States backed his rebel movement
with millions of dollars in
weaponry, despite widespread evidence that Habre had carried out extensive
massacres, according to U. S. officials familiar with the covert program.
The aid to Habre
was the first clandestine operation launched by Reagan's CIA chief,
William J. Casey, when he took over the agency in 1981. The covert aid,
channeled through Sudan and Egypt, eventually totaled hundreds of millions
of dollars, the U. S. officials said.
After Habre
seized power, he immediately set up the DDS with French and U. S. help,
according to published accounts and U. S. sources. Its officers quickly
established a reputation for brutality, but still received U. S. training
in intelligence analysis. Habre's intelligence units and the CIA shared
information extensively, according to three former senior U. S. officials
familiar with events at the time.
"The CIA
was so deeply involved in bringing Habre to power I can't conceive they
didn't know what was going on, " said Donald Norland, U. S. ambassador
to Chad from 1979 to 1981, who knew Habre well and urged the CIA and
State Department to back off in their strong support for the warlord.
"But there was no debate on the policy
and virtually no discussion of the wisdom of doing what we did. "
In addition
to the covert aid, U. S. economic and military assistance--$182 million
worth during Habre's rule--flowed to Chad, where average annual income
is about $200 and 80 percent of the people live by subsistance farming.
In the summer
of 1983, when Libya invaded northern Chad and threatened to topple Habre,
France sent 3, 000 paratroops with air support, while the Reagan administration
provided two AWACS electronic surveillance planes to coordinate air
cover. By 1987 Gaddafi's forces had retreated, abandoning an estimated
$1 billion in Soviet-supplied weaponry.
Because of this
Cold War victory, the United States and France ignored Habre's increasingly
ruthless one-party rule. "Habre was a remarkably able man with
a brilliant sense of how to play the outside world, " a former senior
U. S. official said. "He was also a bloodthirsty tyrant and torturer.
It is fair to say we knew who and
what he was and chose to turn a blind eye. "
But when Deby,
Habre's former chief of staff, rebelled in 1990, the Cold War had faded,
and neither France nor the United States moved to save Habre.
After taking
power, Deby ordered a commission of respected jurists to investigate
the human rights abuses of the Habre years. The commission reviewed
documents left by Habre's government, interviewed hundreds of witnesses
and survivors, and exhumed mass graves. It documented 4, 000 killings,
which it said amounted to less than
one-tenth of the crimes committed.
Despite severely
limited time and resources, the panel produced a book in May 1992 that
described a "veritable genocide against the Chadian people. "
It published names and photographs of DDS agents responsible for the
worst abuses and documented how, in 1990, Habre emptied the national
treasury before fleeing.
"Among
all the oppressive institutions of the Habre regime, the DDS distinguished
itself by it cruelty and contempt for human life, " the book said,
illustrating the point with photos of piles of human skeletons unearthed
from the agency's killing fields.
"The DDS
was responsible to the office of the presidency because of the confidential
nature of its activities, " the book said. "There were no intermediaries
between the DDS and Hissene Habre. "
But, according
to a Human Rights Watch report, "With many ranking officials of
the Deby government, including Deby himself, involved in Habre's crimes,
the new government did not pursue" the commission's findings. Almost
immediately after the commission's book was published, the Deby government
locked away the commission's files, and it kept many of the DDS agents
identified as torturers or killers in its new security force.
While N'Djamena's
press reprinted parts of the commission's report, it had little impact
because fewer than 30 percent of Chadians can read and the newspapers
do not circulate beyond the capital. The report was virtually ignored
by the outside world.
Guengueng and
other victims had quietly gathered dossiers on 792 killings by the DDS,
hoping to use the evidence to prosecute Habre. But when Deby's government
buried the commission's report and rehired Habre's torturers, Guengueng
said they realized the dossiers were dangerous. They buried the files
in scattered places for
safekeeping.
"What the
victims did was remarkable, " said Brody, of Human Rights Watch.
"When we came along this year to help investigate, we found they
had a treasure trove of information. "
What caused
the shift was the Pinochet case, which brought recognition under international
law that human rights violators could be prosecuted anywhere, said Delphine
Djiraibe, president of the Chadian Association for the Promotion and
Defense of Human Rights. She helped Guengueng and four others build
their case against Habre in Senegal. On Feb. 3, in an unprecedented
action, the former president was arrested and indicted on charges of
torture.
That case stalled
under Senegal's newly elected president, Abdoulaye Wade. In April, Wade
appointed Habre's main attorney as his special legal adviser, and in
June, the president abruptly moved the chief investigating judge, who
had indicted Habre, off the case. In July the torture charges were dismissed
on grounds that Senegal was not the proper venue.
"This is
the most important human rights case in Senegal's history, and we are
behaving like a banana republic, " said Alioune Tine of the Dakar-based
African Assembly for the Defense of Human Rights. "Sacking and
promoting judges in the middle of a sensitive case are shenanigans unworthy
of Senegal's democracy. " The dismissal is under appeal.
In Chad, Deby
has promised a shift in policy as Habre's victims have become more politically
active and international attention to the case has grown. He met with
the victims' association for the first time on Sept. 27 and told them
"the time for justice has come. " He promised to fire all former
DDS officials and reopen the commission's
files.
"We are
going step by step, " said Ismael Hachim, president of the victims'
association. "We have a person filing a case against every person
we know who tortured. We say let justice do its work. That is what we
want. But who can repair all that evil?"
http://www. washingtonpost. com
_________________________________________________________________
Note
de l'ARDHD :
"On
peut craindre une vague de violences sans précédent après
le Ramadan . . . "
La France et les USA sont sur la sellette, en raison de l'aide massive
qu'elles ont accordée à des régimes et surtout
à des hommes sur lesquels reposent des présomptions lourdes
de torture et de crimes contre l'humanité. Quelles seront les
accusations contre la France, lorsqu'il sera établi que le système
GUELLEH a pratiqué la torture et est coupable de Crimes contre
l'Humanité ?
Des
voix s'élèveront certainement pour condamner la France
pour soutien abusif à une dictature sanguinaire. Et la
France ne pourra pas dire qu'elle ne savait pas . . . . Il suffisait de
lire notre journal . . . . . ce que les autorités diplomatiques et
ministérielles font depuis le début . . . S'il est absolument
normal que la diplomatie française s'informe, elle ne pourra
pas prétendre, plus tard, qu'elle ignorait la situation et les
charges qui pèsent sur M. GUELLEH . . . !
A
notre avis, il serait grand temps de cesser toute aide au système
Guelleh. La situation devient explosive à Djibouti et on peut
craindre une vague de violences sans précédent après
le Ramadan. Les Djiboutiens semblent vouloir sortir de leur léthargie
; ils se seraient enfin rendus compte que leur destin est d'abord entre
leurs mains ; ils ne se laisseront plus 'humilier' longtemps par le
système Guelleh. Les nouvelles générations tant
à Djibouti qu'à l'étranger en ont pris conscience.
Des
bruits de bottes se font entendre de parts et d'autres et cette distribution
de coupe-coupes, dénoncée par la LDDH, ne fait que confirmer
nos inquiétudes. Il est temps d'agir et de mettre un terme au
système GUELLEH, déjà vacillant et dont les dirigeants
commencent à craindre pour eux et pour leur vie : à preuve,
l'exode des familles qui est signalé au Canada, est un élément
tout à fait significatif.
Mais
n'attendons pas un bain de sang pour décider les mesures qui
devraient être prises afin de provoquer un changement d'orientation
du système de gouvernement à Djibouti et une véritable
ouverture à la Démocratie et à la Justice, comme
le réclament conjointement la LDDH, l'ODU, le FRUD d'Ahmed DINI
et de nombreuses associations / syndicats .
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4/12
COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE
Diffusé sur les ondes de la RTD
La
visite du médiateur de la République à Ali-Sabieh.
Dans le cadre
de la nouvelle politique de décentralisation, de la bonne gouvernance
et de l'état de droit décrétée par le Président
de la République, son Excellence Monsieur ISMAIL OMAR GUELLEH,
pour honorer les promesses faites lors de son élection, afin
de rapprocher l'administration des citoyens et pour rendre les services
publics plus efficaces de nouvelles institutions ont été
mises en place tels que le Médiateur de la République
et les conseils régionaux.
Pour que son
institution puisse remplir efficacement sa tâche, le médiateur
a procédé aujourd'hui à la mise en place du délégué
régional de la médiature dans le District d'Ali-Sabieh.
Dès son
arrivée à Ali-Sabieh le médiateur de la République
Monsieur HASSAN FARAH MIGUIL accompagné de Messieurs les députés
ABDALLAH CHIRWA et ABCHIR HASSAN ont été accueillis par
le Commissaire de la République, chef du District d'Ali-Sabieh
Monsieur ABDOURAHIM AHMED OBSIEH et le vice-président du conseil
régional Monsieur ABDILLAHI ASSOWEH.
La délégation
s'est rendue dans la salle de réunion du District où s'est
tenue une 1ère rencontre avec les membres du conseil régional
d'Ali-Sabieh et des cadres de l'administration du District. Au cours
de cette rencontre le Commissaire de la République puis le médiateur
de la République ont expliqué l'importance de cette nouvelle
institution ses missions et ses compétences.
Le médiateur
a ensuite présenté aux participants le délégué
de la médiature dans le District d'Ali-Sabieh Monsieur ABDILLAHI
ALI WAISS, ancien Adjoint du Commissaire de la République (d'Ali-Sabieh
et de Dikhil). Celui-ci sera habilité à recevoir sur place
les réclamations des habitants du District d'Ali-Sabieh à
l'encontre des administrations du District ou éventuellement
de l'administration centrale pour tenter de rechercher ensuite des solutions
adéquates à ces litiges.
Le médiateur
a demandé aux participants de collaborer avec le délégué
afin qu'il puisse honorer sa nouvelle fonction.
Prenant la parole,
M ABDALLAH CHIRWA DJIBRIL, député du District d'Ali-Sabieh
a développé la politique de décentralisation voulue
par le Président de la République qui a pour principal
objectif de rapprocher les citoyens et l'administration. Il a défini
la notion de médiation institutionnelle qui ne doit pas être
comprise comme un tribunal mais comme une institution au service de
l'administration et des citoyens.
Le délégué
du médiateur sera conduit à analyser les requêtes
qui lui seront soumises afin de régler le plus rapidement possible
les litiges, même si l'affaire nécessite une instruction
plus approfondie, avec des recherches juridiques où encore une
intervention auprès d'une administration centrale il aidera les
réclamants à préparer leurs dossiers et de les
transmettre au cabinet du médiateur de la République.
Une deuxième
réunion avec les sages et les représentants de la société
civile a permis au médiateur, au Commissaire et aux députés
de donner un large aperçu de cette nouvelle institution avant
de présenter à nouveau à l'assistance le délégué
de médiateur de la République Monsieur ABDILLAHI ALI WAISS.
Le choix de
délégué régional du médiateur de
la République a été accueilli favorablement par
l'ensemble des participants notamment les sages, les membres du conseil
régional, les oulémas et les représentantes des
femmes du District d'Ali-Sabieh. Ils ont promis de collaborer avec lui
et de lui apporté tout leur soutien.
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30/11
EU may ban aid to states
that allow female circumcision
THE GUARDIAN
Andrew Osborn in Brussels
and Sarah Boseley,
health correspondent
Thursday November 30, 2000
Third world
countries that refuse to ban the controversial practice of female genital
mutilation could be stripped of their right to receive European Union
development aid, an EU commissioner warned yesterday as campaigners
from Africa lobbied in Brussels.
In an impassioned
speech before the European parliament, Anna Diamantopoulou, the EU's
Greek commissioner for employment and social affairs, condemned the
procedure as an appalling violation of fundamental human rights.
As many as 2m
girls are considered to be at risk of genital mutilation every year.
The painful operation sees all or part of the clitoris and other genitalia
removed, without anaesthetic and in conditions that are usually unsanitary.
Death, disability and sterility can be the result.
Female circumcision
is practised in 28 African countries. In Somalia, it is done to 98%
of women. Sudan, Djibouti, parts of the Arabian peninsula, and Democratic
Republic of Congo, are among the places named in UN studies as practising
ritual mutilation.
The EU and the
United Nations estimate that some 135m women have been circumcised.
UN experts believe
that the practice is gradually being rolled back through legal action.
Last year Senegal outlawed it, and the year before, Tanzania, Ivory
oast and Togo. Among other recent reformers are Ghana, Burkina Faso
and Egypt.
"It is
high time that member states, and indeed the EU as a whole, addressed
the issue, " Ms Diamantopoulou told the parliamentary hearing in
Brussels.
Some MEPs want
EU states to recognises the threat of female circumcision as a reason
for granting refugee status.
In a speech
that will enrage proponents who argue that their cultural traditions
require control of female sexuality and keeping girls virginal until
marriage, the
commissioner also called on EU member states to outlaw the procedure
among African immigrant communities.
In Europe, laws
banning female genital mutilation exist only in Britain, Norway and
Sweden, Ms Diamantopoulou said. Britain, she noted, is the EU country
with the highest number of female immigrants from cultures that practise
circumcision - 300, 000.
But it is her
suggestion that EU development aid be linked to stamping out female
circumcision in Africa which is likely to cause controversy. "We
may consider making aid to recipient countries contingent on their commitment
to
fight the practice of female genital mutilation via legislation and
education, " she said.
Sensitive to
accusations of western interference, she went out of her way to justify
her position.
"Europe
is not in the business of preaching and imposing its culture on other
countries and nations.
However, Europe must be very clear in defending its values which are
built around justice, equality of the sexes and human rights, "
she said.
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L'ARDH a formulé des questions complémentaires
à son aimable informateur avant de publier cet article :
Peut-on attribuer la responsabilité de cet état
de fait à Djibouti, comme dans d'autres pays, à M. Guelleh
? Certes, il s'agit des D. H. et de ceux de la femme en l'occurence,
mais avons-nous le droit en tant qu'Association de nous immiscer dans
les fondements de la culture du pays ? Qu'en pensez-vous ?
---------------------------------------------
Réponse
de notre interlocuteur :
La
responsabilité première ne saurait éventuellement
être attribuée a Guelleh. Elle est, disons pour schématiser,
de nature culturelle. Mais la responsabilité d'un gouvernement
sur ses sujets sociaux est double a mon avis
- informer au maximum : c'est le rôle du planning familial. Dans
ce cas de figure, dire que cette pratique n'a aucun fondement religieux.
Des pays comme l'Égypte le font systématiquement. Donner
effectivement le libre choix aux gens mais un choix éclairé
à partir d'une information claire.
-
construire des structures qui permettent de procéder a cet acte
dans le cas ou les femmes et leurs familles voudraient le faire quand
même.
Or
Guelleh ne fait ni l'un ni l'autre. La fondation Union Nationale des
Femmes de Djibouti (UNDP) se contente d'encaisser les fonds internationaux
destinés à cette cause pour les détourner a des
fins autres. Toutes les femmes des dignitaires djiboutiens se promènent
en grosses cylindrées parce qu'elles sont membres de droit (presque)
de cette fondation UNDP. Pendant ce temps, les femmes se font mutiler
dans l'ignorance et dans l'insalubrité.
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La
Somalie est administrée à partir d'un hôtel . . .
et les trafiquants sont prospères !
Governing Somalia
from a hotel
By East Africa
correspondent
Cathy Jenkins in Mogadishu
Nearly two months
after Somalia got its first president and parliament in nearly a decade,
the country's new government is having to operate from a hotel in the
capital, Mogadishu.
The country's
new MPs are living and working from the hotel, both for their own security
and because the civil war has left no government building intact.
Somalia's new
civilian leaders have been lobbying regional and Middle Eastern leaders
hard for financial support.
At the moment,
Somalia's influential business community is the government's main financial
backer.
Tax-free
prosperity
Traders say
that despite the prospect of taxes and duty, they welcome the new
administration.
They carry boxes
of batteries, yellow cooking-oil containers and sacks of flour
which have been offloaded from cargo ships moored just offshore and
brought to the
beach in small barges.
This is a natural
port and the entry-point for thousands of tons of goods which will soon
be on sale in Mogadishu's markets and far beyond.
It is also one
huge duty-free zone.
The business
community, which has thrived during a decade of civil war, pays no
taxes here.
But with the
formation of a government in Somalia this should change.
It is early
days yet, but Somalia's new civilian leaders will be expecting to raise
money as other governments do, from taxes and duty.
Port
idle
Unusually, the
prospect of the taxman arriving does not seem to bother Mogadishu's
traders.
They say they
would rather pay taxes than spend a hefty sum, as they do now, on the
militiamen who provide the security for their goods.
One businessman
who imports flour for his pasta factory in Mogadishu said he counts
on 10% of the flour being damaged by the time it is carried up the beach
at the natural port.
For the time
being, there seems little prospect of Mogadishu's official port reopening.
That lies idle
under the control of a warlord who has not yet been convinced of the
advantages of a civilian government.
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